Yet, in contrast to their air of objectivity, it is everything but self-evident how these indicators should be defined and measured. Our measurement choices have deeply distributional consequences: they produce winners and losers. They shape our future, for example when GDP figures hide the cost of environmental degradation. So why do we measure our economies in the way we do? Criticism of particular measures is not new.
Global Corruption Barometer - Latin America and the Caribbean 12222
But its limited effect on policy reveals that such criticism does not explain real-world practice. This project therefore asks: which social, political and economic factors shape the formulas underlying macroeconomic indicators? Existing scholarship provides detailed historical studies of statistics, mostly in single countries. But we lack theoretical and empirical tools to describe and explain differences in measurement formulas between countries and over time. This project will provide such understanding through three subprojects.
The first offers a systematic diachronic comparison of formulas underlying four indicators in four central OECD countries. The second subproject analyses the timing and content of international statistical harmonization efforts in the EU and the OECD. Beyond providing novel insights and a new database, this project will promote public debate about meaningful measures, allow policymakers to reflect on current practices, and increase sensitivity among academics who use macroeconomic data about its political and historical roots.
This project investigates how interest groups respond to complex and uncertain circumstances in the European Union that provide different types of opportunities for accessing the policy process.
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This project follows three lines of research. The first concerns the effect of new opportunities for access and influence deriving from new governance structures. The second line of inquiry follows from the finding that in the less developed, more recently introduced case of experimentalism in the Combating the Sexual Abuse of Children Directive some interest groups had adapted to the new and emerging regime while others had not.
This points to the issue of understanding new policy structures and the process of learning: how quickly do interest groups learn about the new governance structures in which they operate and how quickly can and do they adapt their activities to them? On the one hand, learning to adapt to new circumstances is crucial for the development and improvement of any particular experimentalist regime, and thus forms one focus in this research line. As regards cross-sectional learning, on the other hand, interest groups can play a central role in extending experimentalism within the EU.
Understanding the functioning and benefits of experimentalist governance processes in one field might cause a bottom-up spill-over to other policy areas through the lobbying efforts of interest groups. The learning process of interest groups thus constitutes an important causal factor both in the implementation and in the extension of experimentalist governance in the EU. What factors explain levels of effectiveness? For the purpose of these case studies, a combination of research methods will be used.
These consist of a literature study, a policy document analysis and semi-structured interviews with different stakeholders relevant to the specific cases and the theme of PILA strategies for CSR in the Dutch policy framework at large. The associated PILA targets may be based in developing countries, in the Netherlands or abroad international organizations, multinational companies. The case studies will eventually be complemented by findings from other research activities, which will contribute to a more comprehensive answer for the overall guiding question.
Fransen uva. Macroeconomic indicators are integral to economic governance. Measurements of growth, unemployment, inflation and public deficits inform policy, for example through growth targets and the inflation-indexation of wages.
Brief History of TNCs
Their air of objectivity notwithstanding, it is far from self-evident how these indicators should be defined and measured. Our choices here have deeply distributional consequences, producing winners and losers, and will shape our future, for example when GDP figures hide the cost of environmental degradation. So why do we measure our economies the way we do? Criticisms of particular measures are hardly new but their real-world effect has been limited. The project therefore asks: which social, political and economic factors shape the formulas used to calculate macroeconomic indicators?
Extant research offers detailed histories of statistics, mostly in single countries. The second analyses the timing and content of statistical harmonization efforts through the United Nations, the IMF and the World Bank. This project will promote public debate over meaningful measures, allow policy-makers to reflect on current practices, and sensitize academics who use macroeconomic data about their political roots. The character of global business networks has long fascinated but continues to divide scholars of global markets and governance.
A well-established perspective looks at the changes in global networks and sees an emerging cohesive transnational capitalist class. However, a rival line of inquiry sees the rise of competing corporate elites. Scholars also disagree on the origins of emergent patterns of corporate networks. Do they reflect institutional preferences of corporate and political elites? Or are they unintended byproducts of corporate conduct? Michael Addo Ghana , Mr. Pavel Sulyandziga Russian Federation , Ms. Alexandra Guaqueta Colombia , Mr. Puvan Selvanathan Malaysia , Working methods.
Communications procedure. Country visits.
Events, statements and dissemination activities. The State as an economic actor. State national action plans NAPs. Human rights defenders and civic space. Sustainable Development Goals. Corporate human rights due diligence. Lowry referring to Henry Hansmann and Gordon C. The fact that any earnings by a non-profit organization cannot be distributed to owners or employees removes a source of temptation to exploit informational advantages over consumers by cutting costs in ways that lower quality. The classical missionary universities are examples of particularly successful decisions on governance for academic standing and transnational relations.
The new American-associated universities in primarily the Gulf States shows a great variance of public and private decisions on university governance, which seems to have a strong effect on the transnational relations formed by these universities. They work with leading academia in American society, with access to leading research and teaching.
Moreover, they produce cutting-edge research on their Middle Eastern host societies and other subjects informing American society about the Middle East. These universities move human talent as this knowledge to a significant extent travels with individuals, prominent faculty and talented graduate students. These universities move financial resources as they and their founders have gained support from the US governments, from philanthropies and businesses raising very substantial financial, moral and political support for education, research, healthcare and development in the host societies.
Towards the USA, leaders and faculty of these universities have often been prominent and credible advocates of host society points of view and interests. Leading American universities will collaborate with these universities and accept their graduate students, and American academics will accept leadership or faculty positions in Beirut or Cairo, because of these academic reputations. It is also this reputation that motivates the financial, moral and political support from government, philanthropies and businesses.
The US government supports these universities, because it knows the universities are influential and they attract future leaders as students -based on reputations for academic excellence. The non-profit nature of these universities together with their academic missions has allowed them the institutional focus on academic goals. The non-profit status has supported their academic credibility towards outside stake holders as explained by Lowry and Willoughby above. This governance has allowed these universities to attract the outside academic, financial, moral and political support allowing them to reach their academic goals.
These elements were New York based boards of trustees recruited among the learned, wealthy and pious from American centers of industry and commerce Murphy, , incorporation in the USA, American senior administrators and faculty educated at prominent American universities. The financial governance was non-profit based and relied heavily on raising financial support among missionary societies and their supporters in the USA.
The governance models of the American missionary universities allowed them, although at very different times, to transition to secular institutions with a clear focus on education and research. AUC was founded in as an American missionary university in Cairo and has since developed into a very prestigious secular, private university headed by a Board of Trustees in New York.
A Brief History of Transnational Corporations
A New York-based Board of Trustees was formed, which has throughout history included prominent and wealthy individuals and donated and raised large sums of money. The university has been incorporated in the State of New York since the beginning. In the s and s, the Board of Trustees raised funding for buying the land and for building the campus and, around WWI, hospital facilities. On this basis, the university managed to attract support from philanthropies and business for education, research and development.
In the late s, the Rockefeller Foundation generously supported and advised especially the medical school, and AUB together with the Near East Foundation developed large rural development programs.
After Lebanese independence, Rockefeller and Ford Foundations continued to be generous donors joined by American and British industry as well as oil companies Murphy, ; Dodge, ; Munro, ; Penrose, ; Khalaf, This connection is reflected in its ability to recruit faculty and administrators from prominent American universities and place graduate students and faculty there. These transnational connections have contributed to American research and teaching interest in the Middle East. In , Hitti received a chair at Princeton University where he created a department of Near Eastern studies and became a driving force in the creation of Arabic studies in the USA Starkey, AUB had to balance carefully to maintain both local acceptance and continued US public and private support.
The attraction of AUB waned in the USA before the civil war because of widely reported anti-American student disturbances and affiliations with Palestinian militant organizations fighting Israel. The university lost much attention and recognition in the USA during the civil war, which it is working to recover Hanna, ; Munro, ; Khalaf, ; Interviews Today, the university attracts US public and private funding, along with Lebanese funding and private support from the wider Middle East based on its long time academic standing.
It has recently raised a record sum in excess of million USD. Lebanon and the Gulf have greatly increased their share in the support, accounting now for over half of fundraising Interviews As part of the reconstruction after the Lebanese civil war, AUB sought American accreditation which it obtained in In addition a number of degree programs have specific accreditation. Olayan School of Business in April Four undergraduate engineering programs were accredited in July by the Accreditation Board for Engineering and Technology American University of Beirut.
Here, he urged holding plebiscites in Lebanon and Syria on mandate rule, which was an example of advocacy on behalf of the host society Dodge, ; Penrose, Eddy Murphy, ; Dodge, ; Penrose, AUB was in a unique position to further American development and soft power aims as a prestigious American university with regional reach.
More broadly, there was acknowledgement of the contribution of American education to the region and to the socialization of future leaders. AUB represented the best American values, had a long and respected history in the region, and was perceived by Arabs as their own institution. AUB and its contribution to US national soft power could not be recreated, if it was lost Hanna, ; Interviews The universities are successful in getting Congress to direct the Administration to specifically support the universities.
This policy is despite the desire of agencies for the flexibility to support indigenous universities for development reasons. This value to the USA is based on the academic standing of AUB, AUC and LAU, which are products of their affiliated ownership structure and non-profit status reflected in their governance, quality assurance and funding models. American higher education and research especially, in the shape of local universities, branch campuses and other academic collaboration all play a prominent role in this attempt to transform natural resource-based economies to knowledge-based economies.
A very important development from the old universities in Beirut and Cairo to the new ones in the Gulf is the empowerment of Gulf host societies, who are today the initiators and driving force rather than the Western missionaries of yonder year. This paper identifies four university governance models based on Bernasconi with significantly differing nature and quality of transnational relations to the USA: affiliated branch campuses, affiliated local universities, proprietary American accredited universities, and proprietary universities in partnerships with universities in the USA.
Which model of governance for the new American-associated universities, public and private actors in both the host societies and the USA decide on, is, therefore, critical. The reasons and constraints for these choices are, thus, very important. Gulf host states deciding to attract such branches, and US universities deciding to establish them, can, therefore, be key decisions for building high-level transnational relations with American society. Convincing prominent US universities to establish large-scale branch campuses requires very large financial resources.
It is clear that Qatar and Abu Dhabi stand out for such activities, which is possible based on their large oil and gas resources. Dubai and Ras Al-Khaimah have attracted for-profit campuses of non-profit US universities, but these are often very narrow in scope and the failures of Michigan State University Dubai and George Mason Ras Al-Khaimah highlights the tenuous status of branch campuses without massive host state financial backing. This ensures the flow of information and ideas through these institutions and faculty and administrators, while financial resources stem from the host states and students.
However, this danger is balanced by the parent-university staking its own academic reputation by awarding its own degrees from the branch campus. Also the information asymmetry between the parent-university and powerful host state authorities is less than between a university and students and their families. There is a wide spectrum of branch campuses in terms of the level and quality of transnational academic connections, see Annex 1.
The Qatar Foundation has brought six prominent American universities to establish branch campuses there. The Foundation and the home universities, thus, serve as the affiliation of the branch campuses ensuring high academic standards allowed by large Qatari financial resources.
This initiative has, therefore, succeeded in building relationships with and attracting the attention of American academia. These institutions are examples of decisions to build indigenous higher education institutions, which are non-profit and affiliated to prominent boards and US academic institutions.
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